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Madan Mohan Malaviya was
born in Allahabad on December 25, 1861. His ancestors were poor but
had a social status and were known for their Sanskrit scholarship.
Madan Mohan's education began at the age of five when he was sent to
Pandit Hardeva's Dharma Gyanopadesh Pathshala. Mohan who was a
diligent boy, matriculated in 1879 and joined the Muir Central
College and finally graduated from the Calcutta University in 1884.
He was appointed as a teacher in his old school on forty rupees a
month and soon became popular among his pupils. As there were no
rules in those days preventing government servants from attending
political meetings he attended the second Congress session held in
Calcutta in 1886 and delivered a speech which held the audience
spell-bound. A. 0. Hume the General Secretary of the Congress made a
very appreciative reference to it in his annual report. Soon after
his return from Calcutta he was offered the editorship of the Hindi
weekly, the Hindustan. He also edited another weekly, the Indian
Union. Malaviya wanted to devote himself entirely to the service of
the country. The legal profession did not attract him though he
studied law and passed the LL.B. examination in 1891.
With few exceptions
Malaviya regularly attended the annual Congress sessions from 1886
to 1936. In 1887, he invited the Congress to Allahabad. During the
session great enthusiasm prevailed among the delegates and its
success was phenomenal. Malaviya was the Secretary of the Committee.
He invited the Congress to Allahabad again in 1892, and again its
success was largely due to his devoted efforts. In the Congress
sessions he spoke generally on the political subjection of the
country, the poverty of the masses owing to the British economic
policy and the monopoly of the higher posts by officers recruited in
England. On account of his services to the Congress he was elected
its President in 1909,1918,1932 and 1933, but owing to his arrest by
the Government of India, he could not beside over the 1932 and 1933
sessions which had been banned. Perhaps, he tried to popularise the
national cause more than many other leaders.
Although he was a strong
supporter of the Congress he founded the Hindu Mahasabha in 1906. It
was established, according to its supporters, to oppose not the just
claims of the Muslim community but the "divide and rule" policy of
the British Government. Malviya became a High Court Vakil in 1893.
He always gave preference to public work over his legal work. He
virtually withdrew from the legal profession in 1909 but he made an
exception in 1922 in regard to the appeal of 225 persons condemned
to death in connection with the Chauri Chaura riots (Gorakhpur
District, U.P.) on account of which Mahatma Gandhi suspended the
civil disobedience movement, and saved 153 accused from the gallows.
Malaviya's zeal for public work made him realise
the necessity of starting newspapers particularly in Hindi, for the
education of the public. He started the Abhyudaya as a Hindi weekly
in 1907 and made it a daily in 1915. He also started the Maryada a
Hindi monthly in 1910 and another Hindi monthly, in 1921. He started
the Leader, an English daily in October 1909. He was the Chairman of
the Board of Directors of the Hindustan Times from 1924 to 1946.
In consequence of the active work that he did as
Senior Vice-Chairman of the Allahabad Municipality, he was elected
to the Provincial Legislative Council in 1902. The ability and
independence which marked his speeches in the Council led to his
election in 1909 to the Imperial Legislative Council, of which he
soon became one of the most important members. He participated in
the debates on important resolutions, e.g. those relating to free
and compulsory primary education, the prohibition of recruitment of
Indian indentured labour to the British colonies, nationalisation of
railways, etc. He took a keen interest in the industrial development
of the country and was therefore appointed a member of the Indian
Industrial Commission in 1916.
In view of the non-cooperation movement started by
Mahatma Gandhi in 1920, he did not seek election to the Indian
Legislative Assembly in 1921. But he was a member of the Assembly
from 1924 to April 1930. He resigned shortly after the salt
satyagraha started by Mahatma Gandhi and took part in it. He
supported the demand for the grant of full Dominion Status to India
put forward by Pandit Motilal Nehru. He was invited to the Round
Table Conference in 1931, but he inevitably returned dissatisfied
with the attitude of the British Government.
The Benares Hindu University betrays the
keen interest that he took in the education of the mind and the
spirit. The importance that he attached to the economic development
of the country made him combine the teaching of science and
technology with that of religion.
Malaviya was a conservative in social matters. He
believed in the 'Varnashrama Dharma' (caste system). He was,
however, prepared to adjust himself to social changes in the country
to a limited extent, but wanted to take the leaders of the Hindu
community and the Benares pandits with him in matters of social
reform. He felt strongly the injustice done to the depressed classes
in connection with temple entry and pleaded their cause before the
pandits in 1936. He also favoured the raising of the position of
Hindu women.
He occupied a very high position in Indian public
life and his public activities were numerous. The freedom struggle,
the economic development of the country, promotion of indigenous
industries, education, religion, social service, the development of
Hindi and other matters of national importance continued to occupy
his attention as long as he lived. He was the President of the All
India Seva Samity from 1914 till 1946. He was known for his
gentleness and humility but he did not yield where principles were
concerned. He had the courage to differ more than once from the
Mahatma even at the risk of becoming unpopular. He opposed, for
example, the boycott of schools and colleges, the burning of foreign
cloth and the boycott of the visit of the Prince of Wales in 1921.
It will be true to say that he considered responsive co-operation a
better policy than civil disobidence.
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